2 results
11 - Neutralism or Non-Alignment: Myanmar’s Recurring Foreign Policy Dilemma
- Edited by Justine Chambers, Australian National University, Canberra, Michael R. Dunford, Australian National University, Canberra
-
- Book:
- Myanmar in Crisis
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 01 March 2024
- Print publication:
- 26 June 2023, pp 261-288
-
- Chapter
- Export citation
-
Summary
Since its establishment as a sovereign state, Myanmar has demonstrated a firm commitment to a neutral and non-aligned foreign policy, capable of preventing the country's gradual tilt under the orbit of a great power or bloc of powers (Passeri 2020, 8–14). As such, the preservation of independence and freedom of action in the global arena has always embodied the paramount goal of Myanmar's diplomacy, pushing various generations of Burmese leaders to shy away from bilateral and multilateral security arrangements which could potentially jeopardise its non-aligned, “go alone” stance (Trager 1956; Silverstein 1982; Steinberg 2018; Passeri and Marston 2022). This is not to say, however, that Myanmar's diplomatic playbook has endured for more than seven decades without major twists and turns. On the contrary, even a cursory glance at the country's history reveals that Burmese diplomacy has constantly swung between two opposite archetypes of non-alignment, following an oscillating trend that has persisted up to present days. In a nutshell, this dilemma has revolved around the desire to implement a positive, dynamic, and proactive blend of non-alignment, aimed at expanding and diversifying Myanmar's international partnerships, and, on the other hand, the temptation of resorting to a more inwardlooking, reactive, and torpid practice of ‘negative neutralism’, conducive to a gradual retrenchment from the international dimension and to the assertion of autonomy through self-aloofness.
Unsurprisingly, the same puzzle experienced by Myanmar in selecting the most appropriate prototype of non-alignment has traditionally complicated the strategic calculus of many other small powers across the globe, pushing scholars to theorise different variants of what could be considered a neutral or non-aligned behaviour in the global arena. According to Khalid I. Babaa and Cecil V. Crabb (1965, 11–12), for example, the doctrine of ‘positive non-alignment’ entails a clear refusal to join tight and formal alignment links (e.g. alliances, stationing of foreign troops inside the national territory) with great powers, together with a deep-felt commitment to play an independent, constructive, and cooperative role in global affairs through good offices or bridge-building efforts. As such, this positive form of neutralism is often infused with moral and ethical considerations based on an active contribution to peaceful coexistence, coupled by an equally strong rejection of colonialism, imperialism, power politics, and foreign intrusions in the domestic dimension (Goetschel 1999, 120–121).
Myanmar’s Foreign Policy under the NLD Government: A Return to Negative Neutralism?
- Edited by Daljit Singh, Malcolm Cook
-
- Book:
- Southeast Asian Affairs 2021
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 09 October 2021
- Print publication:
- 28 May 2021, pp 223-234
-
- Chapter
- Export citation
-
Summary
Introduction: The NLD Foreign Policy Manifesto and its Broken Promises
In the run up to Myanmar's 2015 general elections, the National League for Democracy (NLD) published a foreign policy manifesto that appeared in strict consonance with the diplomatic approach and overarching goals pursued over the course of the previous quinquennium under the banner of Thein Sein's “positive non-alignment”. According to the document, the key mission was to practice:
(a) an active and independent foreign policy, and to establish friendly and close political relations with regard to international matters that may arise firmly on the side of genuine democratic values. (b) To identify and cooperate with other countries on joint economic enterprises of mutual benefit. In particular, to work together for the benefit of the region on issues relating to regional organizations and programmes. (c) To have close and strong relations with the UN, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other such organizations. (d) To give particular emphasis to the role of civil society organisations in communicating with the international community.
Similar remarks were then reconfirmed after the historic triumph achieved by the progressives at the polls. In April 2016, shortly after the swearing-in of the new cabinet led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the state-owned newspaper Myanma Alin provided additional details on the diplomatic agenda of the NLD government, stating that “Myanmar's foreign policy, based on friendship with all, will not only continue to be consistent with the changing world politics but also, besides enhancing national interests, serves the world peace, development, and prosperity as it enters into the 21st century.”
Accordingly, following the smooth transition of power from the previous administration, many believed that Naypyidaw was on course to reiterate and further amplify the key traits ingrained in the successful hedging strategy brought about between 2011 and 2015, which had allowed Myanmar to break the chains of isolation after decades of self-imposed aloofness from the international arena. After five years in office, however, it appears increasingly clear that Aung San Suu Kyi's first term as the undisputable leader of the NLD administration has fallen short of expectations, not only in terms of Myanmar's foreign policy record, but also on other sensitive issues such as the liberalization of the national economy, the attraction of foreign capital and the advancement of a lasting peace between the central government and ethnic minorities.